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REVISTA IEEE 9

http://revista.ieee.es/index.php/ieee 258 Journal of the Spanish Institute for Strategic Studies Núm. 9 / 2017 Exception to this seems to be the system of promotions and appointments. Although in principle there is a procedure based on merit and professional proficiency to regulate them, empirical evidence would show that it is subject to the frequent interference of external forces that try to impose on the system criteria of ideological and political affinity. This might mean that politicization of the armed forces is yet an issue in Greece’s CMR, and would indicate that Greece’s civil-military relations are more based on bonds of personal trust or clientage than they are on the trust the civilians extend to the armed forces as a “politically sterile” institution. As it is now, the civil-military nexus is much regulated in Greece. Abundant legislation lays out roles, responsibilities and procedures of those involved in the relationship. However, the procedures set forth in it are not always followed and so, they are not of much practical value sometimes. The level of supervision of the military seems also to be low; partly due to the relatively weak public debate on security, and the generally insufficient level of understanding of defense issues among the public and the political elites alike; partly due to the weak oversight role the Parliament plays in the political life of Greece. Greece is among the few European nations still maintaining a military based on conscription. The system appears to be generally accepted, and the country does not seem to be confronted with the kind of strong opposition to conscription other Western democracies have experienced in the past. The system, however, may be challenged in the future, on account of the nation’s negative demographic indicators. This will force Greece, sooner or later, to review its model, and to reevaluate its CMR pattern. CONCLUSIONS In this paper we have tried to develop a methodology to analyze civil-military relations patterns. Obviously, other approaches are possible. The practical application of the proposed one to the cases of the United Kingdom and Greece illustrates how it can help to identify deficiencies that may cause friction, dysfunctional CMR, or even threats to civilian supremacy. The value of the method lies in that it does it by holistically considering the many facets shaping civil-military relations, and by keeping their interrelations in sight, instead of taking them one by one. The analysis should serve as a compass to orientate the search for remedial actions that might help, if needed, to redress and optimize the CMR balance. Because the approach is holistic, any recommendation of change in one area has to consider the impact it may have on the rest so as to minimize the possibility of improving one area at the cost of deteriorating another one. As we have already suggested, civil-military relations are ultimately culture-based. For that reason, the application of the model, the conclusions we might reach and, above all, any recommendation on remedial action has to pass through the filter of whatever is acceptable and feasible in the cultural environment of the pattern under

REVISTA IEEE 9
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