357 Fernando Delage The Asian strategy of Xi Jinping the project is crucial for China in terms of economic strategy. Integration is essential for the development of its southern provinces, the poorest in the country. Aside from facilitating their connectivity with continental Southeast Asia and South Asia, -avoiding having to cross the Strait of Malacca and the South China Sea routes- they would have an additional access to the Indian Ocean, apart from that afforded by Pakistan, a country with which China expects to establish a new economic belt as an extension of BCIM, in which Afghanistan could be included. In addition to representing a platform for the development of cooperation with India, the reduction of transport costs would multiply trade between the two giants. At the same time, it would facilitate energy security and Beijing is in a position to provide incentives that would generate interest from New Delhi in improving bilateral relations in spite of its growing maritime rivalries, a further reason for its recent support for India’s formal admission to the SCO.66 Nevertheless, as is the case in Southeast Asia, the countries of the subcontinent also have their reservations regarding Beijing’s intentions, desiring to maintain independence of action and criteria. As host of the APEC summit (2014), Xi took advantage of his role to maintain the thrust of these initiatives, insisting on China’ central role in the stability and prosperity of the region. In addition to the launch of AIIB, he announced the creation of a Silk Road Fund, with a purse of 40 billion dollars in credits to finance the twin projects.67 On the other hand, Beijing linked its connectivity initiatives to another, no less ambitious project: a Free Trade Area of the Asia Pacific, FTAAP. China managed to bring about the approval of the 21 APEC members (including the United States) for the proposal, representing a “historic step”.68 Initially put forward in 2004, the initiative was interpreted as Beijing’s response to the TPP (led by Washington in which the PRC is not a participant), and an aggregation between the latter and the RCEP (with the absence of the United States); but the Chinese plan integrates both spaces.69 game-changer-for-south-asian-trade/ (last consultation 16-1-2015). 66 BHADRAKUMAR, M.K. “Modi leads India to the Silk Road”, Rediff News, 7 August 2014, http://www.rediff.com/news/column/modi-leads-india-to-the-silk-road/20140807.htm (last consultation 16-1-2015). 67 “China pledges 40 bln USD for Silk Road Fund”, Xinhua, 8 November 2014, http://news. xinhuanet.com/english/china/2014-11/08/c_133774993.htm (last consultation 16-1-2015). 68 “Xi: APEC economies decide to launch FTAAP process”, China Daily, 11 November 2014, http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2014apec/2014-11/11/content_18899067.htm (last consultation 16.1.15); “Xi Jinping unveils China’s plan for Asia-Pacific free-trade pact”, South China Morning Post, 11 November 2014, http://www.scmp.com/news/china/article/1637765/xi-jinping-unveils-chinas-plan-asia- pacific-wide-free-trade-pact (last consultation 16.1.15). 69 SOLÍS, Mireya. “China flexes its muscles at APEC with the revival of FTAAP”, East Asia Forum, 23 November 2014, http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2014/11/23/china-flexes-its-muscles-at-apec-with-the- revival-of-ftaap/ (last consultation 16.1.15). http://revista.ieee.es/index.php/ieee
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