345 Carlos Barrachina Lisón The Mexican path to a reform of the National Public... operations and support from the federal government. Thus, during the first 100 days in government, activities had been started in Michoacán, governed by the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD), Guerrero (PRD), Baja California (PAN), Sinaloa (PRI), Chihuahua (PRI), Durango (PRI), Nuevo León (PRI) and Tamaulipas (PRI), with the aim of recovering areas18. REFORM OF THE NATIONAL PUBLIC SECURITY SYSTEM The task that needs to be carried out is one of building a new institutional fra-mework with different dimensions related to public security and access to justice. At the federal level, a General Law on the National Public Security System was passed, published in January 2009. Other important points were the creation of the Federal Police, replacing the PFP, and the expansion of the penitentiary system that will be extended from five federal centres in 2006 to twenty-four in 2015 – some outsourced to the private sector19. A reform of the criminal justice system was also started, in which the traditional inquisitorial system was replaced by a full oral accusatory system to speed up the judicial process and make the system fairer and more efficient. Another aspect that is being dealt with is the change in the police model in the states and municipalities, which will bring to light the power struggle and battle of interests between the different levels of government, independently of their partisan colours20. The importance of creating reputable professional state police institutions public security activities, governors from parties other than the president’s party closed ranks on this issue (…) Governors know, from direct and daily experience, that the state of their police forces is currently insuf-ficient to resist the onslaughts of the traffickers’ organisations». (ASTORGA, Luis. Seguridad, traficantes y militares: el poder y la sombra. México: Tusquets Editores, 2007, p. 311-312). 18 «The warning signs were clear and the main processes of the conflict ongoing. This was when some gov-ernors made a request to the then President-elect Felipe Calderón for support from the federal government to combat the organised crime that, due to its huge fire power and corruption was taking over the state forces and putting the governability of the entities at risk.» (VALDÉS, Guillermo. Historia del narcotráfico en México, México: Aguilar, 2013, p. 379). 19 OADPRS. Informe de gestión 2014-2015, México: Comisión Nacional de Seguridad, 2015, p. 21. 20 «At the federal level there was a federal police force, created in 1999, that had not grown over the en-suing years; and the around 10,000 police officers at the end of 2006 were not enough to face up to the needs arising due to the criminal organisations. The Federal Judicial Police had been transformed into the Federal Investigation Agency (AFI) but it was still a long way from going through a comprehensive reform. This weakness, along with the lack of agents from the public ministry and the persistence of inadequate work-ing systems, resulted in insufficient and often poorly integrated pretrial investigations; the capacities of the judicial system were overwhelmed by the quantity of files and the structural failings of the criminal justice system and the inefficient functioning of the public ministry; the federal and state prison system also suffered from important shortcomings: overcrowding, almost inexistent rehabilitation systems, corruption, outdated facilities. If these shortcomings were serious at the federal level, they were even worse at the local level: the state and municipal police forces that could consider themselves as such, could be counted on the fingers of http://revista.ieee.es/index.php/ieee
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