250 Revista del Instituto Español de Estudios Estratégicos Núm. 1/ 2013 of the wave of changes in the Arab countries. Ansar Al Sharia is trying to present itself as a legitimate opposition movement against a dictatorial and corrupt regime, as was the case until the time of the downfall of the one in Tunisia, the one in Libya or that which is precariously hanging on in Syria. One example of this strategy is the way in which Ansar Al Sharia captured Jaar, in March 2011. This is a small city, the capital of the Khanfar district, in the south-west of the country. Although the AQAP militants had operated in that district for some three years, they had not launched a coordinated operation until the Arab uprisings offered them the opportunity. They also made the most of the fact that the poverty and the poor tribal links with that region had enabled them to cultivate and obtain a certain degree of sympathy and support the local population.21 Ansar Al Sharia/AQAP offers material incentives in the form of new weapons, vehicles and salaries. Its resources mostly come from armed bank robberies and attacks on government institutions, such as police stations and barracks. To a lesser extent, it also receives financing from some private Saudi Islamic associations. In March 2011, AQAP took over control of a munitions factory near Jaar. In other attacks against military garrisons in Abyan province, it managed to capture a certain number of infantry combat vehicles and some aging T-55 tanks, along will plenty of small arms. In May of that very year, three hundred Ansar Al Sharia fighter conquered the city of Zanzibar, the capital of Abyan province. They ransacked the police stations and the provincial bank during the time it was under their control for.22 In addition to creating ties of dependency, Ansar Al Sharia is trying to set off some tribes against others. It does this by deploying members of tribes different from those of the place they are interested in. The aim of this is that if deaths occur in local confrontations, as well as AQAP reprisals, the local people will fear violence from the family members of those killed. In this way, the fear of provoking stronger rival tribes makes it harder for local sheiks to oppose the AQAP presence. At the same time, since a large part of its militants are Yemenis, AQAP are not facing the problems that were created for Al Qaeda in Iraq, which was mostly made up of foreigners. The Ansar Al Sharia members speak the same language as the local population, they understand their customs and they have put down roots in their society.23 It is estimated that the international component of AQAP constitutes less than a third of its organisation. It is mostly made up of Saudis and Somalis, plus a disparate group of individuals from Jordan, Afghanistan and Pakistan, together with some exceptional cases from Europe (albeit of North African origin).24 21 Swift, Christopher, “Arc of Convergence: AQAP, Ansar al-Shari`a and the Struggle for Yemen”, CTC Sentinel, Vol. 5, Issue 6, 2012, pp. 1-6. 22 Ibid. 23 Ibid. 24 Ibid.
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